Statement made on 24 March 2011 by Senator Roméo Dallaire
Hon. Roméo Antonius Dallaire:
Honourable senators, I will simply make introductory remarks on my motion and continue with the remainder of my time at a later date. I had originally planned to speak longer, being influenced by the hockey game between Boston and Montreal — which has ended with Montreal losing 7-0 to Boston — I was irritated enough to do the long version, but I will refrain from that and make only a few points.
My motion is to the effect that the Senate of Canada call upon the government to implement the doctrine of responsibility to protect by increasing its support for the United Nations in resolving the ongoing political crisis in the Ivory Coast.
I will not touch on responsibility to protect this evening, because I want to speak in more depth on that. As a member of the Secretary-General of the United Nation's Advisory Board on Genocide Prevention and Responsibility to Protect, I want to follow up on Senator Andreychuk's intervention in support of her leader. I will save that for the next time and concentrate specifically on the conflict.
Last week, in a demonstration of prompt and immediate action we have never seen before, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1973 authorizing a no-fly zone over Libya, as well as all other measures needed to protect the civilian population, whom Colonel Gadhafi has sworn to kill.
Prime Minister Harper demonstrated Canada's commitment to helping the Libyan people by announcing the deployment of six CF-18 fighter jets to support allied efforts to enforce the no-fly zone over Libyan airspace. This has already proven successful.
When making the announcement, the Prime Minister concluded — and I quote:
One either believes in freedom, or one just says one believes in freedom. The Libyan people have shown by their sacrifice that they believe in it. Assisting them is a moral obligation upon those of us who profess this great ideal.
I would add that we also have a strategic, national interest in helping any imperilled populations that are peacefully demanding the same basic human rights enjoyed by everyone in all democratic societies.
To that end, I wish to draw the attention of honourable senators to the deteriorating situation in the Ivory Coast. While we meet, the situation evolves ever closer to civil war. Daily attacks on civilians, including reports of forced disappearances, rapes and torture, continue and the death toll far exceeds the UN confirmed count of 462. Fighting between the forces loyal to the incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo and those allied to the internationally recognized legitimately elected president Alassane Ouattara has increased. The use of heavy weapons, including attack helicopters and rocket launchers, and widespread population displacement paralleled by hate speech and incitement to violence are worrying indicators of a deepening crisis with the potential for ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocities.
Our tolerance to Gbagbo's defiance is a slap to the face of the international community. If we cannot defend democratically certified election results in countries where such uncertainties pose grave risk to the civilian population and, likewise, present enormous opportunities for tyrants and autocrats to hold on to power at any cost, what message does that send to the same people who place their greatest hopes in the empty rhetoric of democracy?
The future Gbagbo proposes for his country is war, anarchy and violence, with ethnic, religious and xenophobic dimensions. He must go, and we must demonstrate our willingness to remove him, even by the use of force through UN Security Council mandate and resolutions if he will not go willingly. The massive investment that the international community has made in peace and security in West Africa for nearly two decades is under severe threat. This situation goes beyond the borders of the Ivory Coast. Meanwhile, innocents are paying the price.
As a leading middle power, we must use our capabilities to reinforce the UN forces already on the ground. We must also use diplomatic efforts, political efforts, and certainly security efforts in order to put an end to the destruction of massive numbers of human lives in Ivory Coast.
Why are we in Libya and not in Ivory Coast? Why do we hear day in and day out about Libya and Japan and forget the Ivory Coast? Why can we not handle more than one problem at a time?
I move the adjournment of the debate, retaining the remainder of my time, until the next sitting of the Senate.